On this January morning of two thousand and seven, more than sixty years after President Truman first issued the call for national health insurance, we find ourselves in the midst of an historic moment on health care. From Maine to California, from business to labor, from Democrats to Republicans, the emergence of new and bold proposals from across the spectrum has effectively ended the debate over whether or not we should have universal health care in this country.
Plans that tinker and halfway measures now belong to yesterday. The PresidentÃ¢â?¬â?¢s latest proposal that does little to bring down cost or guarantee coverage falls into this category. There will be many others offered in the coming campaign, and I am working with experts to develop my own plan as we speak, but letÃ¢â?¬â?¢s make one thing clear right here, right now:
In the 2008 campaign, affordable, universal health care for every single American must not be a question of whether, it must be a question of how. We have the ideas, we have the resources, and we must find the will to pass a plan by the end of the next presidentÃ¢â?¬â?¢s first term.
I know thereÃ¢â?¬â?¢s a cynicism out there about whether this can happen, and thereÃ¢â?¬â?¢s reason for it. Every four years, health care plans are offered up in campaigns with great fanfare and promise. But once those campaigns end, the plans collapse under the weight of Washington politics, leaving the rest of America to struggle with skyrocketing costs.
For too long, this debate has been stunted by what I call the smallness of our politics Ã¢â?¬â?? the idea that there isnÃ¢â?¬â?¢t much we can agree on or do about the major challenges facing our country. And when some try to propose something bold, the interests groups and the partisans treat it like a sporting event, with each side keeping score of whoÃ¢â?¬â?¢s up and whoÃ¢â?¬â?¢s down, using fear and divisiveness and other cheap tricks to win their argument, even if we lose our solution in the process.
Well we canÃ¢â?¬â?¢t afford another disappointing charade in 2008. ItÃ¢â?¬â?¢s not only tiresome, itÃ¢â?¬â?¢s wrong. Wrong when businesses have to layoff one employee because they canÃ¢â?¬â?¢t afford the health care of another. Wrong when a parent cannot take a sick child to the doctor because they cannot afford the bill that comes with it. Wrong when 46 million Americans have no health care at all. In a country that spends more on health care than any other nation on Earth, itÃ¢â?¬â?¢s just wrong.
And yet, in recent years, whatÃ¢â?¬â?¢s caught the attention of those who havenÃ¢â?¬â?¢t always been in favor of reform is the realization that this crisis isnÃ¢â?¬â?¢t just morally offensive, itÃ¢â?¬â?¢s economically untenable. For years, the canÃ¢â?¬â?¢t-do crowd has scared the American people into believing that universal health care would mean socialized medicine and burdensome taxes Ã¢â?¬â?? that we should just stay out of the way and tinker at the margins.
You know the statistics. Family premiums are up by nearly 87% over the last five years, growing five times faster than workersÃ¢â?¬â?¢ wages. Deductibles are up 50%. Co-payments for care and prescriptions are through the roof.
Nearly 11 million Americans who are already insured spent more than a quarter of their salary on health care last year. And over half of all family bankruptcies today are caused by medical bills.
But they say itÃ¢â?¬â?¢s too costly to act.
Almost half of all small businesses no longer offer health care to their workers, and so many others have responded to rising costs by laying off workers or shutting their doors for good. Some of the biggest corporations in America, giants of industry like GM and Ford, are watching foreign competitors based in countries with universal health care run circles around them, with a GM car containing twice as much health care cost as a Japanese car.
But they say itÃ¢â?¬â?¢s too risky to act.
They tell us itÃ¢â?¬â?¢s too expensive to cover the uninsured, but they donÃ¢â?¬â?¢t mention that every time an American without health insurance walks into an emergency room, we pay even more. Our familyÃ¢â?¬â?¢s premiums are $922 higher because of the cost of care for the uninsured.
We pay $15 billion more in taxes because of the cost of care for the uninsured. And itÃ¢â?¬â?¢s trapped us in a vicious cycle. As the uninsured cause premiums to rise, more employers drop coverage. As more employers drop coverage, more people become uninsured, and premiums rise even further.
But the skeptics tell us that reform is too costly, too risky, too impossible for America.
Well the skeptics must be living somewhere else. Because when you see what the health care crisis is doing to our families, to our economy, to our country, you realize that caution is whatÃ¢â?¬â?¢s costly. Inaction is whatÃ¢â?¬â?¢s risky. Doing nothing is whatÃ¢â?¬â?¢s impossible when it comes to health care in America.
ItÃ¢â?¬â?¢s time to act. This isnÃ¢â?¬â?¢t a problem of money, this is a problem of will. A failure of leadership. We already spend $2.2 trillion a year on health care in this country. My colleague, Senator Ron Wyden, whoÃ¢â?¬â?¢s recently developed a bold new health care plan of his own, tells it this way:
For the money Americans spent on health care last year, we could have hired a group of skilled physicians, paid each one of them $200,000 to care for just seven families, and guaranteed every single American quality, affordable health care.
So whereÃ¢â?¬â?¢s all that money going? We know that a quarter of it Ã¢â?¬â?? one out of every four health care dollars Ã¢â?¬â?? is spent on non-medical costs; mostly bills and paperwork. And we also know that this is completely unnecessary. Almost every other industry in the world has saved billions on these administrative costs by doing it all online. Every transaction you make at a bank now costs them less than a penny. Even at the Veterans Administration, where it used to cost nine dollars to pull up your medical record, new technology means you can call up the same record on the internet for next to nothing.
But because we haven't updated technology in the rest of the health care industry, a single transaction still costs up to twenty-five dollars - not one dime of which goes toward improving the quality of our health care.
This is simply inexcusable, and if we brought our entire health care system online, something everyone from Ted Kennedy to Newt Gingrich believes we should do, weÃ¢â?¬â?¢d already be saving over $600 million a year on health care costs.
The federal government should be leading the way here. If you do business with the federal employee health benefits program, you should move to an electronic claims system. If you are a provider who works with Medicare, you should have to report your patientÃ¢â?¬â?¢s health outcomes, so that we can figure out, on a national level, how to improve health care quality. These are all things experts tell us must be done but arenÃ¢â?¬â?¢t being done. And the federal government should lead.
Another, more controversial area we need to look at is how much of our health care spending is going toward the record-breaking profits earned by the drug and health care industry. ItÃ¢â?¬â?¢s perfectly understandable for a corporation to try and make a profit, but when those profits are soaring higher and higher each year while millions lose their coverage and premiums skyrocket, we have a responsibility to ask why.
At a time when businesses are facing increased competition and workers rarely stay with one company throughout their lives, we also have to ask if the employer-based system of health care itself is still the best for providing insurance to all Americans. We have to ask what we can do to provide more Americans with preventative care, which would mean fewer doctorÃ¢â?¬â?¢s visits and less cost down the road. We should make sure that every single child whoÃ¢â?¬â?¢s eligible is signed up for the childrenÃ¢â?¬â?¢s health insurance program, and the federal government should make sure that our states have the money to make that happen. And we have to start looking at some of the interesting ideas on comprehensive reform that are coming out of states like Maine and Illinois and California, to see what we can replicate on a national scale and what will move us toward that goal of universal coverage for all.
But regardless of what combination of policies and proposals get us to this goal, we must reach it. We must act. And we must act boldly. As one health care advocate recently said, Ã¢â?¬Å?The most expensive course is to do nothing.Ã¢â?¬Â� But it wasnÃ¢â?¬â?¢t a liberal Democrat or union leader who said this.
It was the president of the very health industry association that funded the Ã¢â?¬Å?Harry and LouiseÃ¢â?¬Â� ads designed to kill the Clinton health care plan in the early nineties.
The debate in this country over health care has shifted. The support for comprehensive reform that organizations like Families USA have worked so hard to build is now widespread, and the diverse group of business and health industry interests that are part of your Health Care Coverage Coalition is a testament to that success. And so Washington no longer has an excuse for caution. Leaders no longer have a reason to be timid. And America can no longer afford inaction. ThatÃ¢â?¬â?¢s not who we are Ã¢â?¬â?? and thatÃ¢â?¬â?¢s not the story of our nationÃ¢â?¬â?¢s improbable progress.
Half a century ago, America found itself in the midst of another health care crisis. For millions of elderly Americans, the single greatest cause of poverty and hardship was the crippling cost of health care and the lack of affordable insurance. Two out of every three elderly Americans had annual incomes of less than $1,000, and only one in eight had health insurance.
As health care and hospital costs continued to rise, more and more private insurers simply refused to insure our elderly, believing they were too great of a risk to care for.
The resistance to action was fierce. Proponents of health care reform were opposed by well-financed, well-connected interest groups who spared no expense in telling the American people that these efforts were Ã¢â?¬Å?dangerousÃ¢â?¬Â� and Ã¢â?¬Å?un-American,Ã¢â?¬Â� Ã¢â?¬Å?revolutionaryÃ¢â?¬Â� and even Ã¢â?¬Å?deadly.Ã¢â?¬Â�
And yet the reformers marched on. They testified before Congress and they took their case to the country and they introduced dozens of different proposals but always, always they stood firm on their goal to provide health care for every American senior. And finally, after years of advocacy and negotiation and plenty of setbacks, President Lyndon Johnson signed the Medicare bill into law on July 30th of 1965.
The signing ceremony was held in Missouri, in a town called Independence, with the first man who was bold enough to issue the call for universal health care Ã¢â?¬â?? President Harry Truman.
And as he stood with Truman by his side and signed what would become the most successful government program in history Ã¢â?¬â?? a program that had seemed impossible for so long Ã¢â?¬â?? President Johnson looked out at the crowd and said, Ã¢â?¬Å?History shapes men, but it is a necessary faith of leadership that men can help shape history.Ã¢â?¬Â�
Never forget that we have it within our power to shape history in this country. It is not in our character to sit idly by as victims of fate or circumstance, for we are a people of action and innovation, forever pushing the boundaries of whatÃ¢â?¬â?¢s possible.
Now is the time to push those boundaries once more. We have come so far in the debate on health care in this country, but now we must finally answer the call first issued by Truman, advanced by Johnson, and fought for by so many leaders and Americans throughout the last century. The time has come for universal health care in America. And I look forward to working with all of you to meet this challenge in the weeks and months to come. Thank you.